Democracia y libertad. El arco sindical no oficialista y los partidos unionistas. Tucumán, 1945-1946
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Sección Historia. Instituto Superior de Profesorado N°3. Villa Constitución, Argentina
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En este artículo estudiaré los discursos y prácticas del arco sindical no oficialista de Tucumán. Especialmente me centraré en un actor colectivo como fue la Federación Obrera Provincial (FOP) de Tucumán, desde sus orígenes en agosto de 1945 hasta las elecciones de febrero de 1946. Respecto de los primeros, prestaré atención a las definiciones de democracia, ciudadanía y libertad, los ideales de trabajador y sindicalista y su rol social y la relación entre los sindicatos y el Estado. A nivel de las segundas, analizaré las relaciones entre los partidos unionistas y la Federación (cuadros, redes sociales, espacios de encuentro y roles en los mismos), así como las acciones sindicales promovidas por la FOP en pos de constituirse en una representante legítima de los trabajadores. Intentaré demostrar que el hacer de la FOP se encontró en sintonía con las interpelaciones y acciones políticas unionistas, y funcionó para reafirmar, en continuidad con las avanzadas izquierdistas sindicales de los años previos, una identidad de “democracia y libertad” en clave liberal que apeló a los sujetos como ciudadanos políticos, en contraposición a sus adversarios protoperonistas que hablaron en el nuevo lenguaje de los derechos sociales (James, 2005). Aquí tal vez radicó su mayor falencia e incapacidad para atraer a los trabajadores sindical y políticamente.
In this article I will analyze the speeches and practices of the not official union; specially of the collective actor as was the Provincial Laborer Federation of Tucuman (PLF), from its beginnings in August of 1945 until the February elections of 1946. Regarding to the first, I will pay attention to the definitions of democracy, citizenship and freedom, and the ideals of the worker and syndicalist and its social role and relationship between the union and the State. Regarding to the second, I will analyze the relationships between the unionists’ parties and the Federation (frames, social networks, meeting spaces and roles in them), as well as the syndicalist actions promoted by the PLF in order to become in a legitimate representative of the workers. I will try to prove that the job of the PLF found itself in tune with the interpellations and unionists’ political actions, and that it worked to reaffirm, in continuity with the advanced syndicalist lefts of the previous years, an identity of “democracy and freedom” in the liberal key that appealed to subjects and political citizens, as opposed as to its pro-Peronists adversaries that spoke in the new language of social rights (James, 2005). Here might lie its biggest fallacy and incapacity to attract workers, union and politically.
In this article I will analyze the speeches and practices of the not official union; specially of the collective actor as was the Provincial Laborer Federation of Tucuman (PLF), from its beginnings in August of 1945 until the February elections of 1946. Regarding to the first, I will pay attention to the definitions of democracy, citizenship and freedom, and the ideals of the worker and syndicalist and its social role and relationship between the union and the State. Regarding to the second, I will analyze the relationships between the unionists’ parties and the Federation (frames, social networks, meeting spaces and roles in them), as well as the syndicalist actions promoted by the PLF in order to become in a legitimate representative of the workers. I will try to prove that the job of the PLF found itself in tune with the interpellations and unionists’ political actions, and that it worked to reaffirm, in continuity with the advanced syndicalist lefts of the previous years, an identity of “democracy and freedom” in the liberal key that appealed to subjects and political citizens, as opposed as to its pro-Peronists adversaries that spoke in the new language of social rights (James, 2005). Here might lie its biggest fallacy and incapacity to attract workers, union and politically.
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